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2月 21, 2013

《末路狂花》影評:末路上的瘋狂與女性意識

Thelma和Louise上路前的渡假姿態
Thelma和Louise未路上的英姿!

美國公路電影Thelma and Louise(1991) 中譯為《末路狂花》,我認為是少有可以緊扣電影主幹的中文譯名。所謂「末路」,除了意指ThelmaLouise涉及一連串的「犯罪行為」而最後警察被趕上絕路,隨著她們在連串事威脅、反抗、誘惑、破壞、辯駁的反思,更意味兩位女性續步脫離她們原有的渴望依賴男人的溫馴形象,她們所造成的混亂簡直令片中的男性謂之「瘋狂」。
導演Ridley Scott以一個相當父權主義的社會為背景,女性所需要的安全感不是來自私人領域的愛情(男女間的婚姻),就是公共領域的建制(保障人生安全的警察制度)。電影一方面呈現了兩位女性發現由男性所主導的婚姻制度的沉悶乏味和警局制度的刻板迂腐;另一方面,被「狂花」所顛覆的,不但是她們不再盲目相信前者所衍生的安全感,更在危機中發現女性的自主意識(例如她們重獲的自信和刺激),所以片中的男性不免經常出罷出來不及反應的錯愕表情。

2月 18, 2013

光顧小販的情感:除了懷念,我們還可以怎樣?

對新年小販業的反思和建議:止於懷舊嘉年華,細想讓小販「間歇性」地回到日常生活的可能

年初二晚觀塘裕民坊的街頭光顧小販的盛況
除了花車巡遊、煙花匯演和商場大減價外,光看晚上街頭那些小販攤檔和人群就知道光顧小販也是香港一年一度賀歲活動之一,本地《獨立媒體》就特約報導了旺角和深水埗新年期間晚上「小販大笪地」的盛況(註1)。既然旅遊書介紹香港有魚蛋牛雜這些傳統的街頭小食,那熟食小販絕對是最地道最原始的風味,可是在自由行的行程表上卻找不到小販,而魅力沒法擋的小販卻在市民間以一種「不言而喻」形式存在著。所謂「不言而喻」,那是基於它是地下的、不能公開的(underground),食環在新年期間才對小販擺賣「網開一面」的城市傳說就表明大規模的小販擺賣現象是一個不能正視又不會忽視的問題(註2)。

剩下的只有懷念?

年初二晚十一點經過觀塘裕民坊的街頭盡是人群,人們不再是為了等小巴而站在街頭,而是在等食!黃色的街燈下緩緩不斷上升的蒸氣;瓦斯爐的呼呼聲和油鍋的滋滋聲;炭爐上烤著的魷魚味,炒面的豉油香,雞蛋仔的蛋香;街上人頭湧湧,要將食物定位不能光靠聽覺和嗅覺,要鑽進一堆堆的人群中才知道在賣什麼。站在街上,人們吃著說著笑著,感到街頭小食是如斯的好吃,如斯的感動,如斯的懷念,而我也禁不住跟友人細訴在大窩口攤擋的童年回憶。我們之所以會懷舊或懷念,光顧小販除了已成為某撮人的集體回憶,更是消失於現有的生活之中。

自我感覺良好的同時,我卻發現一個非常有趣的現象,就是大部分市民都忽然支持小販大規模擺賣的現象。就街頭所見,就算一碗油渣麵賣28元,碗仔翅/生菜魚肉都賣20元(比店裡賣的貴三四成),我們還是「闊佬」給錢,除了滿足我們的食慾,穿插在小販間仿如置身於嘉年華中尋找過去的回憶,懷舊一番。眾所周知,車仔檔的油煙不免會對街道或樓上樓下住戶造成影響,但在當晚Facebook有不少人轉載深水埗群眾怒撐小販趕走食環一事的留言中,發現大家贊同應該包容一年只能安心擺當數晚的小販們,好讓他們發個「新年財」。
新年流流,為什麼我們不是祝願小販「全年無休」?反而只是保佑他們暫時地發個「新年財」。原來,不止是小販出現的形式變了,就連我們光顧小販的感覺和態度也不知不覺地變了。以前,我們好像對每晚都有小販的生活不以為然,現在小販的世界消失了,取而代之的是嘉年華化小販來懷舊一番。難道剩下的只有懷念?

嘉年華式的消費

新年間小販群不約而同在不同的地區出現,而人們又願意用較貴的價錢來光顧並接受它對生活空間暫時性的干擾,不是代表市民支持小販業復興,反而表明它只能以日常生活以外的(extraordinary)的方式出現才能一般市民接納,他們這刻光顧小販就像參與懷舊嘉年華(carnival)一樣。當然,這不同於我們常見的嘉年華,只是它有嘉年華那些非常規、狂歡性、現場感、暫時性的特徵,這種觀點在現有的論述以外可帶出新的討論價值。

一條街道瞬間變身成一個懷舊嘉年華,小販們用最「市井」的視覺、嗅覺、味覺和聽覺來修飾整個空間。原本由政府規劃的行人秩序被打破,流動的人群與固定的小販檔的互動亂中有序。日常那條閉上眼也能走過的路徑,小販群的景象和食物的味道牽動著我們的身體與感覺,每步都為了滿足我們當刻的慾望。無論是小販還是人群的暫時性聚集,無論是食物的味道還是買賣的形式,市民已在日常生活中找不到,因為這種嘉年華化式的小販經營空間的被有街道潔癖症的政府趕離街頭(例如停發小販牌、加強無牌檢控),也被地產霸權式的消費空間所排拒(其特色是高租金多內地遊客)。

我們這種鄉愁式(nostalgic)參與或消費,只是一種那些年式的「平行時空」所產生的錯覺。雖然這種錯覺能滿足人們的鄉愁情懷(nostalgia),浪漫化光顧小販的片刻,但卻使討論停留在社會對小販那暫時的同情和包容(這正是為什麼小販得以嘉年華的方式出現),並不足以藉著小販食物的滋味來讓市民反思小販業在日常生活秩序出現的可能性。讓小販重返我們的日常生活的話,當小販的問題不再徘徊在投訴和「走鬼」之間,那小販的發展的方式就多了。

如果小販日常也能「蒲頭」,不止新年,那價格必定會比市價便宜得多;如果我們社會容許小販正當地擺賣,如果我們社會正視小販的生產方式,那小販對街坊做街道造成的影響定有方法可以解決。

對「小販的被消失」沒有感覺

原來,帶著以上這種鄉愁情懷來光顧小販,不但反照了我們對小販日常化的「被消失」不以為然、了無感覺,更暗示著,我們已經變成政府靠趕走小販來淨化街道的共謀者。

回頭想想我們現時在街道上的活動,我們就像一群困在模擬城市類遊戲中叫做「人流」的東西,城市規劃者透過規劃著街道的消費方式和貨品類型來刺激經濟活動的增加;可是,現實與遊戲不同的是,遊戲中待你設計的空間不會是一塊從天而降的塊圖,所以現實中的城市規劃者(主要是政府與地產商)必定要透過各種政策/政治手段來重新整頓和定義街道它的適當用途;有點類同的是,我們感覺上好像對這種街道空間的單一化沒有太大的反抗,可能因為港人引以為傲的「適應力」可以迅速地習慣這種快速轉變的、被規劃好的逛街方式。

這種「適應力」正好需要這種鄉愁情懷來滋潤它的無奈與乏味,雖然我們對小販的消費方式深感懷念和熟悉,但我們對於日常生活中消失好像也沒有什麼不好的感覺。因為小販還沒有完全的消失,變成了賀年活動正滿足了我們對它的鄉愁情懷。

建議(參考台灣經驗):讓小販「間歇性」地回到日常生活

如果要將小販帶回港人的都市生活,除了政府取消現行的停牌減牌制度而重發小販牌外,似乎小販擺賣的空間便成另一個可具創意性地討論的位置。學者馬國明1995年寫下〈街頭掠影〉生動地描繪了小販的面貌,小販在他筆下就如城市的遊牧民族,他們除了會巧妙地製造各種方便擺賣、美味又便宜的食物,他們更懂靈活地掌握都市人的生活節奏,隨著人群的流動(上學放學、上班下班)而出現(註3)。細讀生憾慨,當年他觀察到「小販世界正在迅速消失」,不到20年後的今天,流動小販只能成為新年的賀歲活動。在今天講求整潔、都市空間的規劃和管理,街坊會投訴燥音和油煙是人之常情,小販很難再像牧民般隨街擺檔和走鬼。所以,要讓小販業興旺起來,就要從改變現有的生活(公共)空間下手。

還有,這種空間的轉變應該有一定的彈性,它能方便讓小販「和平地」進入我們原有的生活秩序,同時它又不會對其社區的居民生活造成太大的阻礙。就以上的特徵,我不建議政府劃地蓋市集,反而可以從足球場、停車場、兩旁無樓的街道和馬路的交叉口入手。讓我們參考一下港人愛瘋了的台灣夜市小販業,看看能給香港市民、小販和政府一些怎樣的啟發。
筆者在台灣作過半年交換生,不但喜歡台灣小販的美食,更深感台灣官方用心保護小販的謀生空間(不光是為了遊客,更是為了居民的飲食和工作需求)。其實,在台灣,除了一些常設的小販空間,像台北的土林夜市,還有十分多「間歇性」(periodical)出現的夜市:大的有台南的花園、成功夜市等等,它們一星期佔用停車場營業兩、三個晚上;小的有台中梧棲區在政府大樓停車場的小夜市,它每天四點後在停車上開。我覺得後者梧棲區的小夜市的經驗有點像香港的社區,先看看以下筆者的觀察。

梧棲是台中一個寧靜的社區,在它政府大樓旁停車場的燈柱上貼著一張寫著「下午4點後,請勿停車,有夜市小吃」的告示。入夜後,停車場有十多檔小販,有的是車仔檔,有的是用貨車改裝成的廚房。小販們用的小販車廚房配合提供椅桌的營運方式。食客都願意坐在椅上用餐,吃完後,老闆就去打理;有時食客還會自動將垃圾掉進小販設置的垃圾袋裡;這種食客與小販的自律,確實令整個食用場地變得更天乾淨衛生,白天就變回政府的停車場。有一點是港人意想不到,雖然旁邊有不少小食店和海鮮餐廳,可是不見得是一種惡性競爭,反而食物的多樣性(各式飯、面、飲料、甜點等等) 卻可引來多些顧客來這一帶的消費。這種週期性地改變一個停車場空間的經驗,其實香港也有可能,因為各區的政府辦工大樓總有些時段(每晚6點後?)和日子(星期六、日?)停車場是可能空置。

以上「間歇性」地改變一些都市公共空間的經驗,其實香港不是沒有,例如各區每年一度的佔用球場的年宵花市,又例如每個星期日外藉家庭庸工都會集結在中環皇后像廣場一帶,而政府亦會封起幾段小馬路讓她們使用。之前提出社區中的足球場、停車場、兩旁無樓的街道和馬路的交叉口辦小販夜市是有可能的,在一周約定某幾天營業;這些地方地面也較為容易清潔,可能開水沖刷就可以清理。當「常規化」小販夜市之後,我們光顧小販不再是嘉年華式的參與,而是可以大家公開地合作和商議如何運作得更融洽,令小販的謀生空間和所提供的平民服務成為香港都市生活的一部分。當然,以上只是一些非常初步的建議,還有一些很實踐性的問題要面對,而問題應該避免停留於政府對小販食物衛生安全上的監控;但是,如果我們認為小販應該回到我們的日常生活,那不失為展開討論的開始。
政府大樓旁停車場的燈柱上貼著一張寫著「下午4點後,請勿停車,有夜市小吃」

在停車場上梧棲小夜市



附錄
註1:「新年先可以有既大笪地?」,香港獨立媒體,2013年2月14日。
(http://www.inmediahk.net/node/1015541)

註2:「反智動物:走鬼皆因不公起」,蘋果日報,2013年2月17日。
(http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/supplement/culture/art/20130217/18167366)

註3:〈街頭掠影〉載於馬國明著的《路邊政治經濟學:新編》(2009,進一步)。

2月 07, 2013

《蘿拉快跑》影評:來自於重複的可能性

「再想想!」-每次重複的觸發點,就經已注定故事的路線
     《蘿拉快跑》(Run Rola Run)(1998)是說蘿拉如何在20分鐘籌到10萬馬克來她那個小混混男友曼尼,而它六十多分鐘的放映時間就由導演Tom Tykwer 運用三次重複(repetitions)來組成這個故事的敘述方式。每次重複「蘿拉快跑」都會插進那段卡通蘿拉,好像遊戲重來一樣,蘿拉就會有不同的決定和行動(我想這也暗示著蘿拉跟曼尼那遊戲人間般的生活態度)。
每次重複看似隨機,卻非獨立,而是相關。法國哲學家德勒茲(Gilles Deleuze; 1925-95)這樣說,差異來自於重複。三次重複和三個不同的結果,都來自於蘿拉跟曼尼所做的不同決定。人文學科中提及的可能性(possibilities),它顯然不止是數字上什麼概率上隨機,而是來自於物質間可以產生差異的唯一性(singularity),打個比喻,現在去煮兩鍋湯,在材料的成份和火候上有一點點的不同,那煲湯的味道就會不一樣。就如在頭兩次game-over時(即蘿拉或曼尼要死的時刻),畫面就回到他們在床上各自的自白和擔憂,這像是遺憾卻也是對他倆關係的反思。這樣在故事交接中所插入的情節十分曖昧,它不止是一個故事的結束,它更是另一個故事的觸發點,也發動了一個完全不一樣但又合理的故事。你看,三次的重複出現的角色和場景幾乎一樣,可是他們之間的關係就改變了。
我想導演Tom Tykwer 在短短的六十多分鐘擺出三種差異的結局,是要挑戰一下觀眾對故事一般的解讀方式。一般的電影故事,觀眾總會很自然地以已認知的「常理」來合理化所呈現的事件間的前後因果關係,就是因為我們都假設了一連串事件(相關或不相關)由一條因果關係(causality)的鏈組成。所以,與其說成一種擾亂,倒不如說是Tom Tykwer 想透過「蘿拉快跑」來重構的另一種敘述(narrating)方式。雖然我們的真實世界不能像蘿拉般re-start,但跳出電影,我想possibilities就個概念可能作為社會想像的工具,過於structuralistic causality的觀點其實有點悶。

蘿拉跟曼尼床上各自的自白和擔憂

2月 06, 2013

A book review on Probyn’s "Blush: Faces of Shame": The Shame's Dispositions

Written by Daren Leung

There is a need of an affective turn in the humanities, beyond the traditional notion of social construction of cultural causality in humanistic studies. Pruchnic (2008) emphasizes that cultural affective theories have led humanities theorists to challenge the previously dominant theories of social and ideological construction and to adopt a more empathetic stance in the research of social phenomena. Therefore, drawing on the insights from the extraordinary thoughts on affect and body, Probyn in her book - Blush: Faces of Shame (2005) - formulates a new theoretical framework on the embodiment between shame and interest with interpenetration between Silvan Tomkins’s psychobiology of differential affects and Gilles Deleuze’s Spinozaist ethology of bodily capacities.(Gregg & Seigworth, 2010). Probyn provides a cultural affective approach to investigate the feeling of shame in “the perspective of body, as truly corporeal, that will lead us into new understanding of how we inhabit society and what it means to embody the social” (2005, 27), and to engage in the discussion in terms of the body, the affect of shame - interest and the disposition from habitus.
In Probyn’s affective turn on studying the embodiment and affect, her inter-disciplinary approach on shame comes cross anthropology, sociology, physiology, psychoanalysis and so on. With the sociological training background, Probyn realizes that it ignores the ideas about biology, psychology, and the innate nature of shame. So she intends to go beyond the sound structural determinism of Bourdieu’s habitus that our body, feelings and sensations are ‘habitualized’ and dedicated by a certain social structure or social order and collective history. Drawing on the insights from the extraordinary thoughts on affect and body, Probyn formulates theoretical framework on the polarity of shame-interest with the making of interpenetration between Silvan Tomkins’s psychobiology of differential affects and Gilles Deleuze’s Spinozaist ethology of bodily capacities.(Gregg & Seigworth, 2010). 
Without ignoring the innate nature of shame, Probyn tries to use Tomkins’s idea of the polarity of shame-interest as her theoretical basis to exhibit the power of shame with the corporeal respective. To enrich the body knowledge in humanities study, Probyn uphold the body potential ‘to affect and to be affected’, then the feeling of shame appears as an “innate torment” to indicate the promised connection or unaware interest is interrupted. Probyn says so,
Shame only operates after interest and enjoyment have been activated, and inhabits one or the other or both. The innate activator of shame is the incomplete reduction of interest or joy.” (p.14)
Obviously, without interest there is no shame, it disabuses the way to viewing shame as a miserabilist condition that it must be erased at any cost. Significantly, this quotation reminds us that the polarity of shame-interest Probyn highlighted has two features of shame: 1) The more intense feeling of shame, the more interested being interrupted. By Tomkins, interest would not disappear, but is incompletely reduced. It means that the linkage between a person and a thing broke. In other words, one is more interested in and cares about an object; one is easier to put herself or himself at risk of being shameful, either being disappointed by the object or disappointing the object. Moreover, 2) the polarity of shame-interest illustrates the relation between our body and shame. Shame is not only to be presented as an act of utterance, such as I said “I feel ashamed”, but also to induce a corporeal, innate bodily association. That’s why Probyn used “blush” to describe the shame. What’s more, apart from seeing blushing as a physical reaction, as a metaphor of “masking” implies that we try to hide our soul as well as that our face being covered by blushing. So, feeling ashamed results a withdrawal which we cannot confront the society or the object that we long for. In this way, shame is no longer negative but is self-evaluative when we can find out our unaware interests in the world.
Beyond the distinction between mind and body, Probyn is inspired by Deleuze’s notion of body which argues that affects are ideas, so shame as the affective idea is produced out of the clashing of the mind and the body which understands human as ‘entity’, and body as a set of assemblages. The affective change that is triggered when one feels ashamed will turn the assemblage of body in different order.
Rather, the subjective for Deleuze is the affective assemblage of bodies of different order and elements…Shame is a product of machine of subjective disposition, which produce shame as both idea and affect. (p.144) 
By the possibilities of the assemblage of body, it stresses that different affects make us feel, think, and act in different ways, or in the subjective dispositions. Moreover, shame can work over the body in the different orders, it does this experientially—the body feels very differently in shame from how it feels in enjoyment—but it also reworks how we understand the body and its relation to other bodies or to the social. As a result, shame enlarges the man; it provides an argument against considering expressions of shame as merely a personal affliction. Shame, locates in bodies, becomes the entity that produces the mind as ‘an impassioned witness’. While it is argued earlier that shame is about self-evaluation with the polarity of shame-interest, Deleuze’s argument breaks with a tendency to conceptualize shame in the common psychological term as an interior quality. Shame in Deleuze’s description comes from a complex disposition which is unlike the version of the habitus (by Bourdieu, it combines the inherent and the lived experience of social structure—the biology and biography of a person). Most interestingly, Probyn deems that Deleuze goes further in radicallydepersonalizing’ shame. Shame as an affect is transformative that crosses many different orders of bodies.

To sum up, Probyn argues that shame can entail self-evaluation and transformation. On one hand, with the polarity of shame-interest, Probyn follows Tomkins’s corporeal notion to suggest that shame is activated by “the incomplete reduction of interest or joy.” She argues that the feeling of shame appears as “bodily withdrawal” to show that the promised connection between a person and a thing broke or, psychoanalytically, our unaware interest is interrupted. In other words, the polarity of shame-interest can generate a process of re-identification on the relations between one and a thing when one is feeling ashamed. So, shame is an ethical and political issue when shame can produce a self-evaluative force in one’s social life. On the other hand, with the subjective disposition from Deleuze’s affective assemblage of bodies, Probyn argues that shame can work over the body in different orders. It does this experientially - the body feels very differently in shame from how it feels in enjoyment - but it also reworks how we understand the body and its relation to other bodies or to the social. Shame, being located in bodies, becomes the entity that produces the mind as “an impassioned witness.” As a result, shame is transformative; it crosses many different orders of bodies, by altering one’s embodied way from one’s favorable habitus (in Bourdieu’s sense). Thus, shame can lead to a de-familiarization of one’s habitus. Overall, with the interpenetration between Tomkins’s affect model and Deleuze’s affective bodily capacity, the subjective disposition with the different bodily order turns shame into a visceral, corporeal reminder for us to be true to our interest, to be honest about why certain things are of our own interest.

Reference:
Gregg, Melissa & Seigworth, Gregory J. (ed) (2010). The affect theory reader. Durham: Duke University Press.
Probyn, Elspeth (2005). Blush: Faces of Shame. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press.
Pruchnic, Jeff (2008). ‘The invisible Gland: Affect and Political Economy’. Criticism 50: p.160-175.